My fellow countrymen!
Today, in our observance of the 56th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China, we are once more reminded of all the hardships surmounted by our Founding Father and revolutionary martyrs and, at the same time, we feel more keenly than ever our own tremendous responsibility for national restoration and reconstruction. In the midst of the bewildering conditions of the present world, in which the whole of mankind is living under the atmosphere of confusion and panic, let us recall to mind that our 5,000-year-old civilization has produced innumerable sages and heroes through all the generations, and has in our own age given birth to no less a man than Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Founding Father of our Republic and unerring leader of national revolution. He has bequeathed to us San Min Chu I (Three Principles of the People) to "harmonize with the powerful world-wide trends of thought and meet the need of humankind". Only San Min Chu I can make a real contribution to mankind's efforts to solve problems involving nationalism, democracy, and people's livelihood. Only San Min Chu I can eliminate international and class wars, thereby restoring to the world universal peace and leading to a world order in which harmony and equality will prevail. As long as all out people, civilian and military alike, unite behind the thought of San Min Chu I and struggle incessantly against Mao Tse-tung, we are sure to win the final victory in the campaign for the deliverance of our compatriots on the mainland and for national revolution and reconstruction.
Since the founding of the Republic following upon the Wuchang Revolution of 1911, we have gone through many trying experiences, such as the Northward Expedition, the Campaigns of Communist Suppression and a number of other tests. In the War of Resistance Against Japan, we fought alone with our meager resources against Asia's most modern and formidable armed forces for an interminable decade. Our present struggle against Mao has been continuing for 17 years, making this present period a time of anti-Mao struggles both within and without the country. In these 17 years, the ratio of our strength to that of the enemy has been reversed. We have assumed the offensive and the enemy has been relegated to the defensive. We could never have sustained ourselves so long, almost half a century, in the face of external aggression and internal rebellion without the vital spirit derived from San Min Chu I, the essence of our national civilization. At present, our military bases in Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu not only constitute a bulwark of the Pacific but also a pivot upon which revolves the fortunes of Southeast Asia. Our war on Communism is for our nation's sovereignty, our people's freedom, the security of Asia, and the peace of the world. Now I should like to make a four-point proposal for common effort throughout the nation.
First, it is an undeniable fact that Asia is the center of gravity of world politics today, and China is that of Asia. Violent mutations westward from the Pacific Ocean, eastward from the Mediterranean Sea, and southward from Lake Baikal, have been the cause of afflictions in various degrees of severity and are confusing in what they may portend. But it is generally agreed that the key to the termination of Asian turmoil lies in the removal of Mao Tse-tung. Our present task is to adapt ourselves to the changes in the world situation and create new opportunities for ourselves. Though we are convinced that our military counter-offensive will be the decisive force to roll back the tides of treachery and sufferings in the world, we must bear in mind that as far as the situation in China is concerned, not only must politics precede military action but politics must also be considered as surpassing military action in importance. The China problem can only be solved by the Chinese. Only by letting the Chinese solve the China problem can we expect to achieve Asian freedom and world peace. Hence we must not seek to quell the rebellion or recover the mainland by exploiting international contradictions. On the contrary, we must find a way to liquidate these contradictions. We cannot bear the thought of an international war. Rather we must try to help eliminate the danger of a nuclear holocaust. Our Founding Father said: "Society and the State are the subjects of mutual aid, while morals, love and justice are the functions and expressions of mutual aid. Those who act upon this principle are sure to prosper, while those who act against it are sure to perish... What is the ultimate goal of the evolution of man? It is none other than what is implied in the words of Confucius: 'When great Tao prevails, all people under heaven will work for their common welfare.' This corresponds also to what Jesus said: 'Thy will be done on earth as it is in Heaven.''' This precept serves as our guiding principle in our national revolution and reconstruction, in our expedition against Mao and our national restoration.
Second, in drawing up his plan and strategy for the revolution, Dr. Sun stated that after extraordinary destruction, there must follow extraordinary reconstruction. The two must go together. True to Dr. Sun's teachings, we spent 10 years on national reconstruction after the success of the Northward Expedition. This enabled us to attain our freedom and equality among nations. At the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, we again adopted the policy of prosecuting the war and reconstructing the country at the same time. By our perseverance we managed to win the final victory. For the last 17 years, we have been engaged in national reconstruction in accordance with San Min Chu I in Taiwan. And this has enabled us to fulfill the double mission of defending the southwestern approaches to the Pacific and of preparing for our national recovery through a punitive military action against Mao. And thus we have been able to stand firm and upright in this time of chaotic disturbances.
The current situation in East Asia and the Western Pacific is so delicate and intricate that, in the words of a Chinese proverb, to pull a single hair is to move the whole body, and that a single faulty move may cost the chess-player his game. Every action or omission on the part of our revolutionary power is of vital bearing on the survival of this country, the security of Asia, and the future of the world. To cope with the changing world situation, open up new revolutionary opportunities, plan the counter-attack against the Peiping rebels, remove the ashes of disaster from the mainland, relieve the suffering of the mainland people, and re-establish security and permanent peace for East Asia and the Pacific, we must rely on our national, cultural, and revolutionary forces, and must strengthen and multiply them! To do so, we must establish a wartime organization within the framework of our Constitution to make important decisions and concentrate the will power of the people so as to be able quickly to meet any challenge that may arise. Above all, our government should show sincerity and fairness, place experts and specialists in important positions, carry out new policies, establish modernized governmental machineries, and promote scientific efficiency. In this way we shall be able to meet requirements stemming from the succession of extraordinary reconstruction and extraordinary destruction, from the interdependence of political warfare and military warfare, and from the length of time and the degree of difficulty involved in this bitter struggle.
Third, as we know, Nationalism is not independent of material conditions. Yet the power of our national spirit inherent in our cultural heritage far exceeds that of all the material elements put together. In carrying out today's mobilization for the suppression of the Communist rebellion, political efforts should take precedence over the military - for spirit is more potent than matter. What is most urgently called for at the present time is the enforcement of spiritual mobilization; while the final objective of our endeavor is nothing less than the revival of Chinese culture in all its plenitude. The Three Principles of the People as enunciated and promoted by Dr. Sun, when envisaged as an ideological system or politico-sociological philosophy, are in direct succession to the orthodox tradition in China beginning with the teachings by word and deed of the ancient emperors Yao and Shun, through those of the ancient kings Yu, Tang, Wen, Wu, and Duke Chou, right down to Confucius. This tradition is the way of "saintliness within and statesmanship without" which has inspired the virtuous and sagacious of all generations to "conduct themselves with a sense of honor, refusing to debase themselves with disgraceful shamelessness" — a moral concept usually referred to as min-tsu-ta-i, or one's supreme duty to the nation. This ancient tradition traceable directly back to the sage rulers of old is also one of shih-shih-chiu-shih, or to get at the truth and correctness of any undertaking by practical verification of relevant facts. By approaching all problems in this spirit, a true fusion of our cultural tradition and modern science can be accomplished so as to form an integral system of Chinese culture, thus providing a solid foundation for our national revolution, recovery, and reconstruction. From the Northward Expedition to the suppression of Communists and the War of Resistance Against Japan, we rallied under the ideological leadership of San Min Chu I and endeavored to safeguard the national culture and build a united country. In spite of many difficulties and frustrations, we arrived at the goals. Unfortunately, Communism - the germ and parasite - began to infiltrate the main current of the thinking of San Min Chu I. This cryptic cross-current began first to seep into and then to inundate the land, and finally developed into the prime source of the nation's and the world's sorrows and woes. Now, under the slogan of "launching a great proletarian cultural revolution", Mao Tse-tung is making use of the young and ignorant "Red Guards" as the tools of political purges. He is copying the old tactics of the Boxer Rebellion of 1900 and adopting the inhuman policy of liquidating all who dare in any way to criticize him or even to whisper to one another. He is also wantonly burning books and burying scholars alive. Even the Communists' own "literature of the 1930s" and other expressions of national culture tinged with San Min Chu I and patriotism have been destroyed in this bloody purge. However, in spite of Mao's six intra-Party "rectifications", the resentment of Communist cadres has finally burst out in such writings as "Evening and Rain", "The Angry Sea", "Hai Jui's Dismissal From Office", "Jottings of a Three-Household Village", "Twelve Years in the Tsao Camp" and "We Can't Wait Even One More Day for Counterattack by the Kuomintang". This proves that the culture of San Min Chu I not only has taken deep root in the minds of the common people on the mainland, but also has strengthened determination of cadres of the Communist Party, the military, the government, and the intellectuals in general to struggle against Mao Tse-tung. Mao is nervous and has the jitters. The "big-character posters" in which the Red Guards criticize the so-called "revisionism" and "capitalism" are entirely false and misleading; they are meant only to distract people's attention from the real anti-Mao sentiments aroused by the "great cultural revolution". The present renaissance of China's culture is therefore in fact the prolongation of the Republic of China's main ideological current as expressed in San Min Chu I. It also represents the spirit of "merging military strength with the people" as accomplished in the three great revolutionary campaigns of the Northward Expedition, the suppression of the Communist rebellion, and the War of Resistance Against Japan. This spirit holds the sole key to the conquest of the enemy and total victory. Thus are we assured of the final key to the conquest of the enemy and total victory. Thus are we assured of final success in our sacred national revolutionary war to overthrow Mao Tse-tung, salvage the nation, and recover the mainland through counterattack.
Fourth, with the mandate of the National Assembly and the authorization of the Provisional Clause of the Constitution, I shall establish an organization to cope with Peiping's nuclear blackmail and the chameleon-like situation on the mainland. I shall adhere to the national policy of mobilization to suppress the rebellion and create a new environment for extraordinary reconstruction. This task is so monumental that it cannot be completed without the combined benevolence and wisdom of all our intelligent people at home and abroad and the concerted efforts of the nation as a whole. At this start of a new year, let me solemnly reiterate my hope that all anti-Mao forces will join hands and march along the road of San Min Chu I toward the goal of Mao's removal and national recovery. We should forget all differences of faction, party, and class and all disagreements of the past. The day that the campaign for the suppression of the Communist Rebellion comes to a successful conclusion will also be the day when democracy will dawn once more on the mainland. We shall then undertake to initiate political consultations, amend the Constitution and hold nationwide elections so as to enable the people to make the supreme decision on national policy and steer the government in accord with public opinion. In so doing we can comfort the souls of our Founding Father and the revolutionary martyrs by implementing the teachings they have bequeathed to us and by rebuilding a free and united new China on the foundation of San Min Chu I.
Fellow countrymen: Our basic problem today is no longer how to attain victory in military counterattack or when traitor Mao will be executed. With the launching of the "great cultural revolution" and the establishment of the "Red Guards", Mao's nerve has cracked and the Chinese Communist Party is disintegrating. Mao is virtually already prostrate in the grave he himself has dug. Our basic problem now is how to adapt our external and internal policies to the changes of today and how to shape our strategy in front of and behind the enemy's frontline so as to eliminate Mao's nuclear threat and thwart his ambitions for military aggression and human enslavement. Our burning task is, then, to save the lives of our compatriots, eliminate the danger of nuclear war, and prevent the mainland from becoming a wilderness of scorched earth. Though the Chinese Communists act as the Boxers did in 1900, we are determined to head off any repetition of the ignominious history of the punitive invasion by Eight Great Powers in that year; we are determined to save our people from a fatal catastrophe. The question now is how to pick up the pieces left by Mao's collapse, and not when to launch the counterattack or how to bury Mao's corpse. These are but secondary matters. By secondary, I don't mean that we should relax our military preparedness for even a moment while waiting for the Mao tyranny to collapse from within. I mean only that political action is a more effective facet of the war at this stage. We should, however, augment our military preparedness so we can launch the counterattack at any time and speed Mao's collapse and our national recovery. Dr. Sun Yat-sen said: "A nation can live in the world only if it can resist temptation and intimidation." I firmly believe that only the Chinese can resolve the China problem and that only after the China problem has been resolved will the scourge of Asia and the world be removed. I must reiterate what I said on our last National Day, that the "Communist evils now plaguing much of Asia come from the Chinese mainland where they will eventually meet their fateful end. The Communist evils in Asia began with the rise of the Chinese Communists and will necessarily end with their downfall." This is the only way to prevent a global nuclear war and the only road leading to world peace. I should like to share this heavy responsibility with all my countrymen, civilian and military alike, and make this our goal of indomitable struggle.
Now let us join in the cheers of the day:
Long live the Three Principles of the People!
Long live the Republic of China!
Everlasting success to the National Revolution for punishing Mao Tse-tung and for national salvation!